The Linguist

26 The Linguist Vol/65 No/2 ciol.org.uk/thelinguist FEATURES In 2025, a bill was proposed that would require all penal laws to be translated into Filipino, Bisaya and Ilocano. This would be led by the Komisyon sa Wikang Filipino (KWF; Commission on the Filipino Language), 7 which is mandated "to undertake, coordinate and promote researches for the development, propagation and preservation of Filipino and other Philippine languages". There is a change going on in wider society, with most newscasters now delivering news in Filipino. "In Congress, Senate hearings, public hearings are now a mix of English and Filipino," says Bruselas. Democracy thrives when people fully understand the law of the land, especially their human rights. Notes 1 The 1973 Philippine Constitution removed Spanish as an official language. 2 Part of the Bisaya group of languages, spoken in the Visayas areas, which also includes Hiligaynon and Waray-waray. 3 Where Justice Bruselas spoke in Filipino or Taglish, I translated the words into English. 4 Philippine Statistics Authority (2023) '2023 Full Year Official Poverty Statistics of the Philippines' 5 Pefianco Martin, I (2012) 'Expanding the Role of Philippine Languages in the Legal System: The dim prospects'. In Asian Perspectives in the Arts and Humanities, 2,1, 1-14 6 Ibid. 7 Komisyon sa Wikang Filipino; https://kwf.gov.ph Aiman Khan steps inside the fascinating world I n the late 18th and early 19th centuries, in major cultural centres in North India such as Delhi and Lucknow, Urdu was taking shape in many different voices. One of its most intimate forms grew quietly within the Androon – the inner spaces of elite Muslim homes. A distinct way of speaking began to flourish here among women who lived largely within these spaces. This was Begumati Zaban, often described as the language of the begums (i.e. women of status in these households). This form of speech took shape during the late Mughal and early colonial periods, particularly among aristocratic women associated with courtly environments such as the Qila-e-Mualla (Red Fort) in Delhi. The institution of purdah (a sociocultural and religious practice of gender segregation) structured the physical lives of these women and their linguistic world. Their interactions were confined within zanankhanas ('gynaeceum') and were almost entirely limited to other women. All significant life events – marriages, births and mourning rituals – were conducted within these enclosed spaces. 1 These conditions produced a language that was self-contained and relatively untouched by the evolving norms of standard Urdu. It grew through shared experience rather than formal learning. Women spent long hours together, speaking, laughing and sharing stories. This was a kind of speech that was a textured performative act, saturated with cultural character. The language carried ease and familiarity. It could be playful, at times sharp, and often full of feeling. It did not seek approval from the outside world. It simply belonged to those who spoke it. From a linguistic perspective, Begumati Zaban can be understood as a sociolect or even a genderlect. It was passed down orally across generations of women. Unlike standard Urdu, which developed through institutions, literary writing and formal grammar, Begumati Zaban remained fluid and adaptable. 2 One of its most striking features is its lexical richness. Its vocabulary includes blessings, curses, idioms and ritual phrases, each carrying emotional and cultural meaning. A useful comparison can be drawn with Nüshu, a women's script from parts of China. Like Begumati Zaban, Nüshu developed within gender-segregated spaces and reflects shared experiences of intimacy and constraint. Both create alternative linguistic worlds, though Nüshu took a written form while Begumati Zaban remained rooted in speech. Begumati Zaban thrives on elaboration and on a vividness of imagery. This becomes Women's talk FINAL RULING Outside the Supreme Court building in Manila, the capital of the Philippines © SHUTTERSTOCK

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